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Transcript

Starmer's Reset Was Supposed To Save Him - Wait Till You See Who He Had To Drag Back

Cross-posted by Kernow Damo's Substack
"A solid review of the Starmer collapse"

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Right, so Catherine West, the Labour MP for Hornsey and Friern Barnet in north London, has given Keir Starmer’s own cabinet until Monday to find someone willing to challenge him for the leadership of the Labour Party. If no cabinet minister is willing to put their name forward, she has said publicly she will try to do it herself.

She has ten Labour MPs already lined up behind her. The threshold to formally trigger a contest however is 81, the barriers Starmer put in place to prevent a member of the left of his party ever challenging for power again, but equally it may work against dissenting members of his own faction. She is nowhere near 81 yet, and Starmer’s people are already pointing at that gap as if it settles the matter, but the gap is not the story. The story is that a backbench Labour MP has just told the entire cabinet of a sitting Labour Prime Minister that they have a weekend to find a collective spine between them and move or she will. Don’t be surprised therefore if she’s been suspended by the time this video goes out in which case. That is what has happened in the last 48 hours, after Labour lost 1,496 council seats in England, lost control of 38 councils, finished a distant fourth in the Sunderland that built Bridget Phillipson’s parliamentary career, and was outscored by both Reform and the Greens in the national equivalent vote. The cabinet has gone silent. Starmer has refused to resign. And the only person inside the parliamentary Labour Party openly putting a clock on him is a backbencher most of you watching this video have probably never heard of, because none of the cabinet ministers you have heard of are willing to be the one who moves first.
So before this video gets carried along by the idea that Catherine West is some kind of insurgent reformer offering Labour members an alternative to the Starmer project, let me introduce her to you, let’s look at the voting record, because what’s there matters. From 2015 through to the 2024 election, when Labour was in opposition and Jeremy Corbyn led the party for most of that period, West’s record was solidly on the party’s left. She voted against welfare cuts eleven times. She voted to pay higher benefits for longer to people unable to work because of illness or disability. She voted against raising the state pension age. She voted against replacing Trident with a new generation of nuclear weapons, when most of her own colleagues voted for it. That was the West who built her parliamentary reputation in opposition. Then Starmer’s Labour entered government in July 2024, and West entered government with it - appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office, where she sat until September last year. Once inside the government, the voting record reverses. She voted for means-testing the winter fuel payment for pensioners, the policy that triggered the first major rebellion against Starmer’s government. She voted for the welfare fraud bill that requires banks to monitor the accounts of benefit claimants. She voted three separate times to cut the health top-up for new universal credit claims. She voted to proscribe Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation. On the 28th of April this year, eleven days before she announced her leadership move, she voted yes on the regulations covering accommodation for failed asylum seekers. Her alignment score with the rest of the parliamentary Labour Party in the last year is 98%, across 329 votes. Even ITV, reporting her leadership move on Friday night, called her a “stalking horse” - meaning a candidate whose role is not to win but to draw the sitting leader out so a real challenger can come forward without taking the first hit. That is what is on the table here. The insurgency is not an insurgency. The threshold is 81 MPs, and the person currently nearest the trigger has a 98% pro Starmer-government voting record and was in his ministerial team eight months ago. Even if she succeeds, even if Starmer is forced onto a ballot and loses, the Labour Party that emerges on the other side of that contest is going to look almost identical to the Labour Party that just lost 1,496 council seats - because the people putting their names forward to replace him are the same people who voted for the policies that produced the wipeout in the first place. That is the scale of the problem this video is really about. The wipeout was not a glitch in the Starmer project. It was the project working as designed. And there is no plausible candidate currently lining up to replace him who voted differently when the bills were on the floor.

So let’s deal with the wipeout, because the numbers are the floor everything else is being built on. According to Sky News’ own election tracker, by the time the count finished Labour had lost 1,496 councillors. Reform UK, the Nigel Farage operation, took 1,453 council seats in the same election, going from a couple of councillors to over 1,400 in one cycle. They took control of Sunderland City Council, which is something nobody outside Reform’s own war room would have written down as plausible six months ago. Reform went from no councillors at all in Sunderland to 58 of the 75 seats on the council. Labour finished with five. Five councillors in a city that has been a Labour stronghold since the 1970s. And Sunderland matters specifically because Bridget Phillipson, the Education Secretary, the cabinet minister Starmer wheeled out this morning to dismiss West’s leadership challenge, holds Houghton and Sunderland South, the parliamentary seat sat right next to that wreckage. She held it in 2024 with a majority of 7,169. After what just happened in her own city, that majority is now a number on a piece of paper. It does not mean what it meant a week ago.

Here’s how a Labour leadership challenge actually works, because most people don’t know and the cabinet is currently relying on you not knowing. Under current Labour Party rules, a sitting leader can be challenged if 20% of the parliamentary Labour Party - that’s 81 of the current Labour MPs - sign a nomination for someone else. If 81 MPs sign, the contest is triggered automatically. The sitting leader, in this case Starmer, is then placed on the ballot anyway as the incumbent. He doesn’t have to resign for the contest to happen. He doesn’t get to refuse it either. The party then has to choose. Catherine West currently has ten. That is a long way short of 81. Starmer’s allies are saying she has got it “completely wrong” - that is the exact phrase Phillipson used on television this morning - and that the parliamentary party is not interested in a contest. But every Labour MP listening to that statement knows two things at once. They know West is short of the threshold today. And they know the cabinet would not be sending Phillipson out to publicly slap her down if the threshold felt safely out of reach. You don’t deploy a Cabinet minister to call a backbencher “completely wrong” if the backbencher is a non-event. You do it because the backbencher is the only person inside your own party openly saying what most of your own MPs are now thinking.

Which brings us to the cabinet. Nobody from the cabinet has come forward. Not a single Cabinet minister has briefed a journalist that they would consider standing. Not one has signalled, even off the record, that the leadership question is open. This is not loyalty. Loyalty would be one of them publicly defending Starmer with anything other than a press release. What is happening instead is calculation. Every cabinet minister has worked out, individually, that being the one who moves first carries a price. If you move and you fail, your career inside Labour is over. If you move and you succeed, you spend the rest of your political life as the person who knifed a sitting Prime Minister. Whereas if you wait, and the backbench does the work for you, you can step into the leadership contest after the trigger is pulled, hands clean, ready to be drafted as the responsible alternative. So the silence is not solidarity. The silence is a queue. Every cabinet minister is waiting for somebody else to take the hit so they can take the seat. They’re like a bunch of penguins poised on the edge of an ice floe afraid to be the first to jump. And Catherine West, by giving them a Monday deadline, has just exposed that queue. She has said publicly: if none of you will move by the start of next week, I will try to do it for you, and you will have to explain to the parliamentary party and the wider membership such as it is these days why a backbench MP did the job you were too compromised or afraid to do.

Now, while all this has been happening, Starmer has been trying to do what every cornered Prime Minister in modern British history has tried to do. He has been attempting a reset.

I’m really not sure who that video is supposed to appeal to quite frankly, but Starmer has rushed it out onto social media already. The reset, announced over the weekend, has two headline appointments. Gordon Brown, the former Labour Prime Minister who left office sixteen years ago, has been appointed as the Prime Minister’s Special Reviewer on Global Finance and Cooperation. The role is unpaid. The role is part-time. The role covers global finance cooperation, security and resilience, and finance partnerships connected to defence and Europe. So Starmer’s big move, in the middle of the worst Labour electoral collapse in a generation, has been to bring back a former Prime Minister to do an unpaid part-time review on international finance. Or if I might put it another way, the Prime Minister who brought back Peter Mandelson for the third time, has brought back the Prime Minister who brought Peter Mandelson back for the second time. That is not a reset. That is a press release born out of sheer desperation and is blowing up in his face already. And yet he still manages to make it even worse. The second appointment is Harriet Harman, the former Labour deputy leader, brought back as the Prime Minister’s Adviser on Women and Girls - a role that on paper covers violence against women and girls, economic opportunity, representation, and civil service and ministerial culture. And inside 24 hours of that appointment being announced, the likes of The Canary and the Skwawkbox were already running pieces on the appalling optics of this move, framing it through Harman’s old role at the National Council for Civil Liberties in the 1970s and the NCCL’s now-notorious affiliation at that time with the Paedophile Information Exchange. Harman has denied for years, in clear terms, that she was an apologist for child sex abuse, that she supported PIE, that she had a relaxed attitude to paedophilia, or that she ever sought to water down child exploitation law - and that denial is on the public record. But the point is not whether the denial is sufficient. The point is that Starmer, in a week where he is trying to demonstrate a reset, has just appointed somebody to a women-and-girls portfolio whose first 24 hours in post have been spent re-litigating an almost fifty-year-old controversy.

So why does that matter beyond the appointment itself? It matters because we have seen this exact shape from this exact Prime Minister already this year. Three weeks ago, on the 20th of April, Starmer sat in front of cameras and admitted that his appointment of Peter Mandelson as British Ambassador to the United States had been a mistake. The Mandelson appointment had collapsed under the weight of newly-surfaced material connecting Mandelson to Jeffrey Epstein, the convicted American sex offender, and questions about what the vetting process had failed to catch. Starmer admitted publicly that he had got the call wrong. He rejected calls to resign over it but he did not contest that the appointment was a mistake. That was three weeks ago. Three weeks later, in the middle of a leadership crisis, he has made another senior appointment that produced its own scandal inside 24 hours and other appointment of another former Labour PM, who made the same Mandelson mistake he has literally just apologised for. The Mandelson admission has therefore clearly now, in the aftermath of appalling local election results shown not one thing has changed anything about how this Prime Minister picks people. That is the pattern. And that is what the Catherine West deadline is really about. It is not just about the wipeout. It is about a cabinet that has watched this Prime Minister make the same mistake on appointments twice in a month and has decided, individually and silently, that it is not worth defending him publicly any more as he continues to make those same mistakes.

While London argues about the cabinet and the leadership question, the floor underneath Labour is collapsing in places that decide elections. In Scotland, Labour took 17 of the 129 seats in the Holyrood Parliament. Seventeen out of one hundred and twenty-nine. In the Welsh Senedd, Welsh Labour took nine of 96 seats. Nine. These are not regional bumps. These are the home territories where a Labour government draws its constitutional legitimacy from, and they have just both produced numbers that would have been unimaginable in any previous generation of the party. And the structural problem underneath all of this is that the 2024 parliamentary majority was always shallow. Labour won that election with just under 34% of the vote - one of the lowest vote shares ever to produce a working parliamentary majority under first past the post. The seat count made it look like a landslide. The vote share never did. Once Reform started eating Labour’s right flank in places like Sunderland, and the Greens started eating Labour’s left flank in places like the urban south, the 34% has nowhere to go. It splits two ways at once. The arithmetic that built the majority is the arithmetic that is now dismantling it. And the people who designed the 34% strategy - the Labour-Together operation around Morgan McSweeney, the campaign architecture that prioritised winning a narrow coalition of mid-life moderate voters by demonstrating distance from the party’s left - have no second move when the coalition starts coming apart at both ends at once. There isn’t one. The strategy was the move. There is no Plan B because the plan was already a hedge.

So when Catherine West gives the cabinet until Monday, she is not doing it because she has the numbers. Everyone, including her, knows she does not have the numbers. She is doing it because the cabinet’s silence has lasted long enough that it has stopped looking like discipline and started looking like a problem. She is doing it because the reset has visibly failed inside its own first weekend. She is doing it because Brown’s unpaid review and Harman’s already-controversial appointment are not a recovery, they are a confession that this Prime Minister has run out of fresh names to put in front of the public. That there is in fact a dearth of talent in the parliamentary Labour Party because people were picked for loyalty instead. She is doing it because people like Phillipson, defending him on television from a parliamentary seat that just watched its own city go to Reform, has nothing to defend him with except the procedural observation that a backbencher is short of the threshold. She is doing it because every Labour MP currently sitting on a marginal seat has just watched Sunderland’s Labour councillor count fall from a comfortable majority to five, with the same picture replicated across the country, and is doing the maths on what that means for their own job in 2029. The 81-MP threshold is not the ceiling on this. It is the floor. The question is not whether West gets there this week. The question is how many Labour MPs, sitting in their constituency offices this weekend, are working out that defending Starmer publicly costs more now than refusing to.

Starmer had one route out of this and he did not take it. He had it after the Mandelson admission three weeks ago, when he could have used the moment to acknowledge that the appointments process under his premiership has been broken from the start, and to begin the orderly handover that every Labour Prime Minister facing this kind of collapse has had to face eventually. He had it again on Friday night, when the council results made the scale of the wipeout undeniable, and he could have stood at the dispatch box and said the country had rejected the project and that he would let the party choose its next direction with him out of the way. He didn’t take it then either. He has chosen, instead, to dress the wreckage up with a part-time unpaid review from a former Prime Minister and a women-and-girls advisory role for a former deputy leader whose appointment was always going to produce exactly the controversy it produced inside 24 hours. The Catherine West deadline is what happens when a Prime Minister refuses every available exit and forces the people around him to choose between defending the indefensible and saving themselves. Most of the cabinet, judging by their silence, have already chosen. They are not loyal. They are queueing. And the only thing left to find out is which of them moves first when the clock runs down on Monday morning, because the project Morgan McSweeney built - the disciplined, triangulated, purge-driven, Labour-Together-engineered electoral machine that delivered the 2024 majority by demonstrating distance from the party’s own left - has just produced 1,496 ex councillors, a Reform takeover of Sunderland and elsewhere, as well as losses to the Greens, a fourth-place finish in the national vote, and a backbench MP daring the Cabinet to find a spine. That’s the project. That’s what it built. Starmer didn’t survive the wipeout. He’s just the last person in the building to notice. You’re use by date has expired Keith, you’re stinking up the building and you need going in the bin.

SOURCES:

THE CANARY/SKJWAWKBOX: Labour MP to challenge Starmer if cabinet minister doesn’t move by Monday; Starmer appoints Paedophile Information Exchange-linked Harman as women/girls adviser

NOVARA MEDIA: Good morning Reform, goodbye Keir Starmer

NORTH EAST BYLINES: Sunderland local election results summary; Stick or twist: what should Labour do now

THE NEW STATESMAN: Catherine West: I’ve been inundated with support from MPs and could go all the way

AL JAZEERA: UK PM Starmer admits mistaken call on Mandelson, rejects calls to resign

LBC: Challenge Starmer: Labour’s Catherine West

ITV NEWS: Could ‘stalking horse’ Catherine West bring down Keir Starmer’s leadership?

INSTITUTE FOR GOVERNMENT: Labour Party leadership contests

THEY WORK FOR YOU: Voting record: Catherine West MP, Hornsey and Friern Barnet; Recent votes: Catherine West MP, Hornsey and Friern Barnet

GOV.UK: Appointment of Gordon Brown as the Prime Minister’s Special Reviewer on Global Finance and Cooperation; Appointment of Harriet Harman as the Prime Minister’s Adviser on Women and Girls

HARRIET HARMAN: NCCL Statement, 24 February 2014